Early August Evening in Beijing

This is a highly-compressed 1080p video composed of 43 indvidual photos taken in illustration mode with a Sony RX100. Each photo was individually processed with FastStone Viewer, then put together in OpenShot Video editing software.

The audio sample was taken from the same location with my Sony digital recording just after shooting the image sequences.

This animation short was made as a proof of concept, so there are still some areas to work on. 

Viewed on a larger screen, there is a bit of noise in some of the images. Secondly, due to the lightness of the small tripod and camera, I actually moved the position of the frame by mistake a few times, which had an impact on the smoothness of the animation effect. Moreover, in the process of taking the different images, I kept adjusting the aperture and shutter speeds, which led to a wide variance in exposures. 

A fixed aperture and shutter speed setting would have enhanced the uniformity of the comic effect and made for more consistent expsoures.

Unfortunately the buffering speed of the camera limits the ability to shorten the gap between image sequences and the RX100 (1st generation) does not allow for the use of the burst function in illustration mode.

Yuan as Reserve Currency less important than Economic and Political Reform

Yuan as Reserve Currency less important than Economic and Political Reform

By Chris Harry

In theory, the addition of the RMB as a top-reserve currency would further diversify the world's exchange reserves. It also would draw China further into the world economy, which might also be a positive force for encouraging China to move toward a stable economic model based on greater transparency and not-so-minor adjustments such as the rule of law. On the other hand, Chinese banks would have to sink and park huge sums of money as deposit insurance, which could further weaken its already fragile debt-to-GDP ratio imbalance.

The fact that China is a maverick economic player that relies on artificial growth which is willing to use any and all means to continue the growth bubble for the sake of social stability and the perpetuation of the party-state, also means that China could potentially become a hugely disruptive and destabilising force in the world economy.

Party interests will always remain paramount and unchecked under the current system, so only when China makes a fundamental political and economic shift, can we expect the Yuan to make a positive contribution to global economic stability. China will also need to follow international rules and regulations in order to make a positive contribution to international economic stability. Again, under the current system in place in China, we cannot expect that it is willing to follow international norms, practices and rules. 

The lack of a domestic rule of law clearly indicates China unwillingness to abide by international treaties and conventions. China's approach in the South China Sea shows a total disregard for the sovereignty of its own neighbours and is a breach of the treaties it signed, took part in drafting, and pledged to uphold. 

Xi's administration has been emboldened to further apply the no-rules bully approach toward domestic politics and foreign policy. At the same time, the domestic economy has been tanking ever since Xi took power.

The stock market debacle also shows a total lack of transparency and honesty in dealing with internal domestic issues. In the end, the government relied on a command-driven and heavy-handed approach to force a recovery of the stock market. In the process, billions in individual investors' earnings evaporated, along with one-fourth of its crucial monetary reserves to support China's state retirement funds. 

Beijing took a huge gamble by creating a false bull market in order to orchestrate state-led insider trading, so as to prop up Zombie SOEs that are bleeding out huge losses daily and are kept alive by state-controlled banks that can barely handle the pressure of giving out free money to keep these SOEs afloat.

When China gets its political and economic house in order, then we might expect the RMB to play a positive role in the world economy.

China’s Wrongheaded Quest for Respect

    One would hope that the Chinese leadership is beginning to understand the importance of co-operation with other countries, but after decades of empty rhetoric from Beijing, the mentality and the strategic diplomatic initiatives of China's dictatorship still remain shrouded in a bamboozling cloud of mystery. Aside from a penchant for opportunistic gain; be it military, diplomatic or economic, Beijing seems to lack a consistent or clear diplomatic policy that builds long-lasting alliances or friendship based on mutual respect and trust. 

    While more and more Chinese citizens are becoming open, cosmopolitan and globally-minded, the government remains secretive, distrustful and painfully awkward at forging meaningful and mutually beneficial ties with other countries.

    Beijing seems very poor at thinking beyond monetary bribery and military bravado. While these are key levers to power relations, they do not appeal to the human side of diplomatic relations, and therefore ultimately fail to win the hearts and minds of the non-Chinese majority of humanity across the globe.

    Perhaps, once Beijing learns to be nicer and more respectful toward its own citizens and its neighbours, the rest of the world will gradually begin to afford it the respect it seeks.

    Meanwhile, throwing money in the air, foaming at the mouth and brandishing a sword will only frighten, annoy or infuriate the rest of the world. The Chinese leaders fail to realize that sometimes the law of the jungle only applies in the animal world and not among civilized nations.

Which Foreign Gods are most 'Chinese'?

In terms of historical seniority, arguably considered to be a very important criterion in defining Chinese culture among Chinese who are proud of their long history, it is not unreasonable to assert that Christianity is more Chinese than Communism, as its history can be traced all the way back to the 19th century missionaries. Technically speaking, Christians were frst allowed to establish a foothold in China as early as the 7th century. The rulers of the sect called the Kingdom of Heavenly Peace who rebelled against and nearly toppled the Qing Dynasty in the 19th century (a foreign Manchu dynasty that had invaded and conquered China in 1644) were a quasi-Christian force whose leader, Hong Xiuquan, claimed to be the brother of Jesus Christ. Sun Yat-sen, the founder of the Republic of China (and considered by the Communist Party of China as the father of the nation) who helped to finally end foreign Manchu rule in 1911, was both a Confucian and a Christian. His successor and subsequent leader of China in the Nationalist era, Chiang Kai-shek, also converted to Christianity. All of this Chinese destiny with Christianity happened before the Chinese Communists ever took power in China. 

Thus, if the Chinese Communists can worship their foreign gods, demi-gods and heroes such as Lenin, Stalin, Marx, Bethune and Genghis Khan (Russian, German, Canadian and Mongolian respectively) then what is wrong with Chinese Christians worshipping Jesus, the King of the Jews or an Argentinean Pope Francis? 

Buddhists have been worshipping their Nepalese-born leader Siddhartha Gautama for milllennia in China, a foreign religion which spread to China from Central Asia. Yet another legendary Buddhist figure Bodhi Dharma, the founder of Zen Buddhism in China, was from India and was quite possibly one of the greatest single historical figures to promote China’s cultural influence in the world next to Confucius and Lao Zi (the founder of Daoism). 

Therefore, in terms of historical seniority and cultural influence, we should conclude that Gautama Buddha and Bodhi Dharma are the two most ‘Chinese’ foreign gods in Chinese history. After all, even though Genghis Khan looked kind of Chinese, he was a barbaric and cruel invader who raped and pillaged China, then wiped it off the map. Although that is precisely why the followers of a Russian pseudo-religion called Communism in China still revere their ancient foreign barbarian hero; because he brutally dominated the ancient world. Maybe that qualifies Genghis Khan as the most ‘Chinese Communist’ foreign god.

Image compilation and text by Chris Harry

Chinese Speed 中国速度

An interesting and somewhat faded Chinese character (sù - meaning speed, rapid or velocity) clings tenuously to a  

cracking wall. Photo by Christopher Harry. All rights reserved.

 

The Chinese character for "Speed" neatly sums up one of the most defining features of today's China; the speed of its modernisation and development, the rapid rise in wealth and stature of the nation, but also the incredible pace at which it is being pulled simultaneously in all directions, both positively and negatively.

As education levels rise, so too does an increasing gap between rich and poor. The rapidity of environmental degradation, in combination with the explosion in the growth of social media, has also led to an equally speedy rise in the formation of social and political awareness that is quickly supplanting the preeminence of vacuous government propaganda in the hearts and minds of the populace.

At the same time, there has been a tremendous surge in the development, deployment of, and spending on China's air force and navy that is bringing it into more frequent and threatening incidents of sabre rattling with its Asian neighbours. Meanwhile, a meteoric rise in the depth and intensity of political and corruption scandals is accompanied by a wildfire of burgeoning social unrest fanning across the country.

Ironically, the sheer velocity at which all these changes are taking place sits in stark contrast to the leadership's utter lack of action or willingness to push forward any sort of meaningful political, legal or social reform to provide a necessary ballast to ensure the country's long-term sustainability.

It will be no mean feat for China's communist leaders to keep a lid on things and rehabilitate an increasingly damaged, depleted and poisoned land, but let's all hope the leadership will quickly see the light and embrace progress, just as its people have been so willing to do since Deng Xiaoping opened up China to the world over three decades ago.

The Chinese government always likes to brag about how much faster China has accomplished its achievements than the rest of the world. Maybe now it’s time they focused on doing things better.

Classic Communist Party Street Art

Photo by Chris Harry

 

 

经典党街道艺术

The quote reads:

 

“Education should look to modernisation, to the world, to the future.”

 

—— Deng Xiaoping

 

A photo I took in Yuyuan Village, Zhejiang province on April 16th, 2012.

 

My first deleted microblog on Sina Weibo!

My first deleted microblog on Sina Weibo!

I uploaded it once again on my weibo account, just to see if and when the net censors might take notice. I'll provide an update to this little experiment should there be any new developments. Here's a picture of my deleted microblog entry:

Although previously deleted, the re-posted blog is still on my weibo account as of April 1st, 2013.

解放农民，别靠剥削下层群体带动内需！

解放农民，别靠剥削下层群体带动内需！

李克强提出以“新型城镇化”解放农民来带动内需。其实只要保证农民基本医疗、教育和财产权利，取消户口制度和市民享有的各种优越待遇即可。简而言之，全方位地确保农民在法律和福利上的平等待遇，维护农民的尊严就会发动新一轮经济革命。应该真正让农民翻身而不是依靠剥削农民和弱势群体创造经济增长。

Foreigners Clash with Police in Guangzhou: A Sign of the Times

Note: This commentary was originally written several months ago and therefore not particularly current, yet I still feel it is relevant as it touches on China's most serious issue, that of social unrest arising from a lack of accountability of the authorities and their insensitivity to the concerns of the masses. I also find the particular nature of this incident worth sharing with those who may not have already heard or read about this clash between foreigners and Chinese police taking place in broad daylight on the streets of Guangzhou. 

 

Foreigners Clash with Police in Guangzhou: A Sign of the Times

This past summer, a mass incident occurred between several hundred African ex-pats and Chinese riot police in Guangzhou. Apparently, an African man had had a conflict with a local Chinese taxi driver over the fare, only to end up fainting and dying after being detained in a local police station for several hours. Many fellow African ex-pats working in the area demanded to see the man's body and held up signs and protested in public. Shortly afterward, a physical conflict ensued between these foreigners and the police.

While the simple fact that upwards of several hundred to a thousand foreigners ended up clashing with police on the street in China is surprising in itself, equally striking is the similarity of this incident with those between protesting Chinese crowds and local police forces.

The reaction by the foreigners of banding together to demand justice, coupled with the distrust and anger directed to the police, and their request for the body of a deceased individual who died in suspicious circumstances while being detained by police, is a theme that is repeated time and time again as innumerable incidents across China end in violent clashes with the police and often deaths of citizens who frequently ‘go missing’ or are cremated before relatives or friends have an opportunity to investigate the manner in which they died.
    In one sense, this incident is unprecedented in that it involved foreigners in their hundreds, proactively demonstrating and becoming embroiled in clashes with local police. On a more basic level, it is perhaps the most common symbol of impending socio-political change. The fact that someone ended up dying over something as seemingly insignificant as a dispute over the cost of a taxi fare that directly led to a large-scale conflict of civilians with police also hints at the failure of the regime’s roughshod approach to dealing with social unrest. Rather, it tends to amplify it.

If Xi Jinping, new occupant to the throne of ultimate party authority, fails to seize the opportunity to bring decisive progress to China's political culture and make significant steps toward establishing the rule of law during his reign, something which the Communists have reneged on since seizing power in 1949, then demonstrations and mass incidents leading to an increasing number of violent conflicts between aggrieved commoners and various forces of the regime’s expensive and colossal, multi-tiered police state apparatus will lead to rising social instability. If left unchecked, a rising crescendo of violent conflict between the masses and the police will build into a tsunami of political destruction for the party. The next ten years of policy direction led by emperor Xi will be critical to securing viable stability, at least in the short term, for the party cum empire.

Mao Zedong, Genghis Khan, and the Power of Propaganda:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mao Zedong, Genghis Khan, and the Power of Propaganda:

Genghis Khan as Chinese Communist Hero

By Chris Harry

     A colossal fact of history regarding China’s defeat at the hands of what they considered lowly, uncivilised Mongolian invaders in the 13th century, whereby it’s people were raped, pillaged, and brutally subjugated, has undergone a stupefying revision in communist party history textbooks.
     According to party dogma, Genghis Khan was, in fact, Chinese, while the government misleadingly refers to the largest contiguous empire in world history, an empire which straddled Europe and Asia as simply the Yuan dynasty, thereby reducing it to just another Chinese dynasty ruled by a Chinese emperor. This, of course, contradicts the generally accepted version of history in the rest of the world; that China was but one territory in a much larger Mongolian empire, a colony, albeit a fairly large one.
     From a historical perspective, this gigantic distortion seems particularly odd given that during this period of history, Song China was a relatively weak entity in a region where other powers, apart from the Mongols, also threatened its existence as an independent state.
     Yet what is most astounding is that whenever this creative adaptation of history is cast in doubt, if it is suggested that Genghis Khan was actually Mongolian, and that China at the time was a conquered territory under Mongolian rule, many if not most Chinese, even the highly-educated, will become angry or express utter dismissal, disbelief, or shock at the very idea that Genghis Khan was not Chinese and that Mongolia was not always a part of China.
     According to party propaganda, Genghis Khan was born in what is now present-day Inner Mongolia, and therefore a part of China; ergo Genghis was Chinese. However, whether or not Genghis Khan was actually born in what is currently Inner Mongolia, a fact that is still in question, is irrelevant. Over seven centuries ago, Inner Mongolia was not under Song China rule, nor was it considered a part of China. The fact that Mongolia eventually came under the control of the Qing dynasty hundreds of years later also does not erase the fact that the Mongolians had first conquered China as an independent, non-Chinese entity commonly known as the Mongol empire. In stubborn defiance of reality, an astounding historical juggling act of Chinese communist propaganda which synthetically splices together two temporally non-contiguous empires in history of entirely different geographical scope, which is to say the annexation of the Mongols by the Qing dynasty noticeably later in history, becomes further proof that Genghis Khan and his fellow Mongolians were actually Chinese since time immemorial, even though the Mongols were actually independent of Chinese control for most of recorded history. In this way, segments of history before, during, and after the period of history commonly known in the rest of the world as the Mongolian empire are conveniently and readily remodelled, then artificially strung together, to construct a fanciful Chinese-made Mongolian empire, an empire wherein its conquerors miraculously and instantly abandoned their own ethnic identity and language in favour of becoming Chinese, and who referred to themselves as the Yuan dynasty.
     Nominally speaking there was a so-called Yuan dynasty, but it was a branch of a much larger Mongol empire under the control of Kublai Khan, the great grandson of Genghis Khan. In yet another anachronistic twist of historical acrobatics, most Chinese people mistakenly believe it was Genghis Khan himself that founded this fictional 'Chinese' dynasty. More accurately, this political entity which was referred to by its Mongolian rulers as Dai On Ulus, was one of four Khanates under a much larger Mongol empire.
     Such an erroneous communist revision of historical doctrine is put into even starker contrast by the simple fact that what we refer to as the territory generally known as China, a geographic area ruled by ethnic Chinese or Han people, had been either overrun or threatened by foreign invaders from Central Asia and Northeast Asia for many centuries in history, areas which were not part of the Chinese empire at the time; including the very last dynasty on Chinese soil which was ruled by the Manchurians – once again foreigner conquerors who invaded China from North of the Great Wall.
     In the end, it is a fanciful narrative that flies in the face of Chinese history, let alone widely accepted  historical interpretation on the period. A brief perusal of Chinese records at the time illustrates how many Chinese intellectuals and scholars woefully lamented the cruel reality that they had been subjugated by foreign conquerors and treated as second-class citizens, thus casting great shame on their own proud heritage. The Ming dynasty rulers who defeated the Mongols and restored Chinese rule also rejected the notion that the Yuan dynasty was even a legitimate Chinese dynasty and considered that period of history as one of foreign domination.
     Of course, every country has its own version of history which tends to be biased in its own favour and refashioned to suit the whims of the ruling class. Nevertheless, reducing the Mongol empire into a brief chapter of purely Chinese history far exceeds the bounds of reasonable historical debate. Song China was forcibly integrated and became a part of an international empire under Mongol dominance that stretched from Vietnam through China, India, Central Asia, Iran, Russia and even threatened to overrun parts of Central Europe. Clearly this chapter of history was much bigger in significance than the confines of Song China, a territory much smaller in size than even current-day China, much less most of Eurasia, an area twice the size of the Roman empire at its height.
     In practical terms, what is most significant about this historical prevarication is how such gross manipulation of historical fact has been so successfully stamped into the brains of generations of Chinese. They vigorously defend the Chinese identity of a brutal foreign invader without question.
     It is a frightful example of how common sense and logic can succumb to primitive brainwashing techniques, and it reveals a terrifying potential for harm, not to mention the negative effects of a propaganda-based society and education system.
     It is likely no accident that Genghis Khan is held up by the communists as a Chinese hero, a great warrior king, because Mao Zedong himself extolled the virtues of Genghis Khan in poetry and most probably saw himself as a modern-day version of this ruthless, invincible conqueror. Then again, Chairman Mao also once thanked the Japanese for invading China and allowing the communists to wrest power from the nationalists. From this perspective, it may even be argued that Mao considered taking power more important than the untold suffering and havoc unleashed on the people of China at the hands of the Japanese Imperial Army.   
     Such rare candour from Communist China’s great kahn and founding emperor neatly sums up the motivation behind the regime’s unflagging and unabashed propaganda efforts even today: the preservation of power at all costs and at the expense of honesty and principles. Even today, ancient history is forced to bow down in service to the exalted and almighty Communist Party of China.

Graffiti-style activism or playful art?

草泥马戈壁－不跟你玩儿！

Graffiti-style activism or playful art?

Dedicated to artist Ai Weiwei and writer Bei Feng
Graffiti Stencil Art by BOBBBB
Photo: Chris Harry
Written by Chris Harry

     I discovered this small graffiti artwork stencilled on an alleyway wall next to Houhai in Beijing. I thought I'd put this up in honour of Ai Weiwei, Bei Feng and all of the other brave Chinese citizens and activists who openly challenge the Communist Party of China in their demands for artistic freedom, pluralism and the protection of human and legal rights. As I walked around Houhai, which is part of the core of the traditional city of Beijing, I started to notice an increase in the presence of street art. Though it may not be everyone's cup of tea, it does seem to hint at the effects of globalisation, a more defiant youth demographic and perhaps even the eventual rise of pluralism to the mainstream in Chinese society; so whether or not you may think that street artists deface or beautify the urban landscape, I personally feel that the spread of graffiti in Beijing foreshadows a political sea change in a positive, more vibrant cultural direction. For many westerners, graffiti might be viewed as a form of vandalism, a vestige of gang culture or simply something you take for granted or even appreciate. In China, graffiti was almost non-existent until very recently, so it’s growing presence seems to presage a more globally-connected, less parochial and insular socio-political environment taking root, one that begins to admire the ideals of civil disobedience, or at the very least, just plain disobedience for the fun of it. Of course, for many Chinese sprayers it’s probably just seen as hip western culture to be emulated, but I can’t help thinking it has broader ramifications.
     The first part of the Chinese title I chose to impose on this piece of Chinese street art refers to a verbal insult directed at the government/Internet censors and often used by the famous Chinese artist and outspoken critic of the government, Ai Weiwei. This expletive verbal phrase originally refers to words in English that begin with the letters F Y M and C. Let’s just say that it’s a pretty graphic phrase about someone's mother which I can't repeat here and used in Chinese as a rather biting insult. But the interesting thing is that, in order to get around the censors, Chinese Internet users changed all of the characters from the original swear words into other characters which still sounded the same, so the result (the same as the title here) is something like "Grass mud horse Gobi", which is a code phrase for the original verbal insult that could get past the censors and still carry the same impact and meaning - the effect of which is not unlike the refrain in Rage Against the Machine’s famous anti-establishment anthem, “F*** you I won’t do what you tell me”.
     The second part of the title literally means, "Not going to play with you!” in reference to a campaign started by blog writer, Bei Feng, who promoted an icon of a person sticking their tongue out (in protest). The writer suggested that everyone should place this icon on their Sina microblog sites (China's largest blog/twitter site) as a show of solidarity in support of the universal values of democracy and human rights. He then explained that this campaign would expose those who were working for the interests of the party, as they would be afraid to participate in this campaign and endanger the privileges and personal gains they enjoy as lackeys under the party's control (N.B. not his exact words, my paraphrasing).
     One of the great ironies of this is that many forms of direct political expression in the form of graffiti promoting, say, the boycotting of Japanese goods or any other such expressions of anti-Japanese sentiment spray-painted on public property by politically-inspired individuals in recent years almost always get painted over. At the same time, the government spares no expense to produce a seemingly endless stream of television serials depicting the evil-doings of the Japanese in China during the Pacific War and the invasion of China. It’s as though Chinese television was stuck in a permanent time warp of Japanese invasion! Nor does the government miss a single opportunity to criticize the Japanese whenever it arises. Yet, at the same time, the average citizen is not allowed to express his anger or hatred toward Japanese through graffiti, even though such nationalistic sentiments are in large part stoked and painstakingly nurtured by the government’s own perpetual and overtly anti-Japanese propaganda campaign which has been ongoing for the last 62 years.
     While I would agree that expressions of hatred toward other peoples or countries spray-painted on public property should be erased, this example shows the hypocrisy of the government. If the government were brutally honest about outlining a policy to this effect, it might read something like this: “Only officially-sanctioned communist hatred of Japanese is allowed! The Communist Party of China has sole rights on any form of political expression in any way, shape or form. All other forms of political expression or thought - explicit or implicit - are a direct and punishable infringement of the intellectual propaganda rights of the People’s Fascist (Oops, I meant Communist!) Republic of China!”
     Graffiti appears not to be officially banned, but in the past it always seemed to be painted over immediately. Perhaps the fact that there is more of it means it is harder to keep up with painting it over. It also may be an indication that the party has much bigger concerns, such as extinguishing the flames of protest across the country occurring at an increasing rate, year by year, as well as ensuring a smooth transition of power to the next group of leaders without further widening the open rifts between different factions in the party. Even my wife, who is proud of her country and culture, and who generally steers away from political discourse, last night questioned whether the Communist Party of China could even last for another ten years without at least the emergence of one or more real opposition parties. This is the kind of question even normally apolitical citizens are asking themselves more and more these days. I give it between twenty to thirty years myself.
     While no sensible person would want to see China slide into anarchy and chaos, something has to give. Hopefully, it can start from the top and take the shape of positive political reform. In the long term, there really is no other viable alternative.

A Different Kind of Loneliness

A Different Kind of Loneliness
Originally written in Chinese by Chris Harry
(Translated into English by Chris Harry)


As he left his flat to walk out onto the clamorous street, he seemed to see tiny ripples forming in the sea of pedestrians flowing around him.

A pair of eyes from the surrounding crowd turned to fix their gaze upon him, and then another, and another... The harmony that had once filled the bustling, prosperous street now began to slowly dissipate, along with his blithesome mood.

In spite of a conscious effort to disregard them, and even as he quickened his pace as he walked past them, those countless eyeballs continued to follow him. Their glare gradually seeped through his back into his very consciousness, like so many beads of water collecting in his brain. Still he pretended not to notice; yet the looks being cast toward him were like keen barbs piercing holes through him, weighing down on him like great stones.

Now he could see that many in the crowd were engaged in furtive whisper. The whishing sound of their whispers swirled round his ears. Their hushed tones conjured up an image of scattered leaves rustling and flitting in an autumn wind.

Even he could not tell whether it was those collective stares, which had produced a chain reaction, or if it were he, this stranger, suddenly appearing on that busy street, which had led to the tension in the air. Then, very soon he discovered that his own disquiet was not shared. He could see smiles on the faces of many different figures in the crowd. And though he was unable to read what was behind those smiles, they merely heightened his unease.

As he walked, he thought to himself; no matter which corner of the frame he rested in, it seemed he could never blend into this painting. “Why would such a natural and ordinary thing as going for a walk become so painfully awkward?” It was a fact beyond comprehension for him, and one which he found rather hard to bear.

Nothing other than that cold blast of wind, which had just sheared through his consciousness, could accurately describe his feelings. That bleak, indifferent autumn wind of his imaginings had blown away every single leaf, sending them to drift and scatter apart. Only the desolation of this image in his mind’s eye could capture, in a real way, the feeling of loneliness and isolation he felt at that precise moment.

As he walked passed the intersection further up ahead and then across the street, a mother and her young son came into his field of vision. After seeing the two carefree figures strolling toward him, an exuberant, nimble little boy alongside his gentle and fair young mother, the world was suddenly suffused in warmer, gentler tones. He looked down toward the boy; the boy stared back up at him. At last, he could feel some sort of human bond. He believed that the little boy could understand him, even sympathise with him. Immediately his heavy mood lifted as a smile spread across his face.

The boy’s reaction was different, however. The clever-looking little sprite pulled excitedly on his mother’s arm as he shouted loudly and pointed straight at him, “Look! Look! Foreigner! Foreigner!”

He shook his head and bore on with a twinge of despair as he continued to walk alone, along which seemed to have become an even longer road ahead.